Omar, Mehbooba breach a boundary

Can't wait for when they make The Insensitive Prime Minister. So much worse than being the accidental one," Omar, who has so far confined his criticism of Modi and his government to public issues, tweeted.His remarks came in response to a promo released by the makers of The Accidental Prime Minister, an upcoming film on Singh's tenure in the top job. The film is apparently based on a 2014 memoir, carrying the same title, by Sanjaya Baru, who was Singh's media adviser between 2004 and 2008. The film has kicked off a verbal duel between the BJP and the Congress, which has accused the movie of false propaganda.Mehbooba's comments came in the context of the NIA, the country's premier anti-terror investigator, claiming it had busted an Islamic State module by arresting 10 suspects in Uttar Pradesh and Delhi."National security is supreme. But declaring suspects as terrorists on the basis of sutli bombs (festive firecrackers), (and) associating (them) with the dreaded IS is premature," Mehbooba tweeted.She appeared to take up the cause of the suspects, saying: "It has already devastated their lives and families. NIA must learn from earlier episodes in which the accused were acquitted after decades."Pro-India politicians in the Valley routinely slam the Centre for "targeting" Kashmiri youths, at times even when they are arrested outside the state for alleged militant links. But they rarely come to the defence of non-Kashmiris arrested outside on terror charges, lest it ruffle feathers at the Centre.Mehbooba went on: "Arrests by NIA in the election season do raise suspicion, especially after the urban Naxal case seems to be falling apart. National security is best served by being just and inclusive, not suspicious of an entire community."The "urban Naxal case" refers to Pune police's arrest of 10 human rights activists from across the country on the charge of Maoist links.Mehbooba had ruled the state in coalition with the BJP for two-and-a-half years, the alliance hitting her popularity. She now appears eager to make up lost ground by raising issues she normally will not.Both Mehbooba and Omar were trolled for their remarks."Mehbooba Mufti bats for her innocent ISIS kids. These politicians are cancer to India," tweeted Gaurav Pradhan, a corporate executive."Don't worry their (there) will also be movie on crooks of Kashmir. Think Abdullah can lead them," read a tweet in reply to Omar's. Dailyhunthttps://justpaste.it/4ay1s

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India vs Australia: Rishabh Pant matches Indian wicket-keeping record at the MCG

There is still one day left in the third Test while the fourth Test will begin Thursday at the SCG. Have you ever heard of a temporary captain - Pant fires back at Paine: Earlier, in the first Test of the series, Rishabh Pant surpassed Wriddhiman Saha to become the Indian wicket-keeper to take the most number of catches in a Test match. Pant broke the record with his 11th catch dismissing Mitchell Starc behind the wickets on Day 5 of the first Test match against Australia in Adelaide where the hosts were victorious by 31 runs. Overall, Pant is tied for the top spot with South Africa's AB De Villiers (vs Pakistan in Johannesburg in 2013) and England's Jack Russell (vs South Africa in Johannesburg in 2013) with all of them taking 11 catches. Dailyhunthttps://www.openstreetmap.org/user/meekneekitto

Now is not the time to remain silent

After the murder of a police inspector by a mob in Bulandshahr following the discovery of cow carcasses, Shah rightly observed that the death of a cow is given more importance than that of a police officer in modern India.It is the job of the administration to address the problem of religion-based violence and to have such crimes investigated. However, the people who hold positions of power often tacitly endorse such violence. Their silence on the subject and refusal to take appropriate action are a matter of great concern.It is fortunate that members of Indian society such as Shah come forward to speak out against such misdeeds. India has a tradition of honouring all religions; however, the rise of communal violence sends out the wrong message to Indian citizens and the world at large. The rule of law must be restored in the country.Jayanta Datta,HooghlySir - Religious polarization in India is a grave assault on the secular spirit of our Constitution. Naseeruddin Shah, far from slandering the country, has actually hit the nail on the head with his comments about the spread of the "poison" of religious intolerance. People who are criticizing Shah for his observations should direct their anger at the self-appointed guardians of 'Indian culture' who launch physical and verbal attacks against citizens belonging to minority communities, or those who speak out against right-wing violence.The vitriol directed at Shah, who was merely exercising his constitutional right to free speech, proves how intolerant and violent a large section of Indian society has indeed become. All fair-minded and forward-thinking citizens should raise their voices against the injustice being done to Shah.Now is not the time to remain silent.Kajal Chatterjee,SodepurSir - I agree with Naseeruddin Shah's views. Unchecked violence in the name of religion has been unleashed in society. It has to be nipped in the bud. Unfortunately, a right-wing government is in power at the Centre, one that has been known to try and intimidate minority communities into submission. The outrage against Shah, in spite of his valid observations, bears testimony to that.M. Alam,MumbaiSir - As an Indian, it is upsetting to witness the direction in which the nation is going. Our secular credentials are being repeatedly tested by the violence perpetrated by right-wing goons as well as the people who defend their actions. Naseeruddin Shah was correct in saying that there is more concern shown in present-day India for the death of a cow than that of a human being.There have been numerous instances in the recent past when right-wing mobs have killed people - many of whom belonged to minority communities - on the flimsiest of pretexts. How are they able to take the law into their own hands without any fear of retribution? Cow vigilantes take human lives and vandalize government and private property, but few face any consequences for their actions, as they enjoy the protection of local politicians.Our ancestors fought for India's freedom with the hope that the following generations would live in peace and harmony. Unfortunately, the present condition of the nation is not what they had imagined.M. Munir,MumbaiSir - Naseeruddin Shah is perfectly justified in fearing for the safety of his children. If they were, indeed, surrounded by a right-wing mob, would their lives have not been in danger? How many more citizens from minority communities have to die violent deaths before Indians accept the fact that religious intolerance and violence, perpetrated largely by the proponents of Hindutva, is not a myth?Doel Bose,Calcutta Dailyhunthttps://www.theverge.com/users/sreengreens

'I've seen most films from the projector room's hole'

The series is based on the eponymous book by Booker Prize winner, Arvind Adiga. This is Tailang's second outing in a father's role in the recent past. Just a few weeks ago, he was seen playing Ramakant Pandit - a diametrically opposite character - in Mirzapur, another web series. "For me, the concept of parenting has to be somewhere in-between. These two extremes can't work. In Mirzapur, I am extra optimistic and hopeful, while in Selection Day, I am this extra pushy person. As a parent, I identify with the thoughts of Mohan Kumar, not his ways," says the Delhi-based artist. The series is a satire on the current familial structure of our society and the flailing education system. The boys struggle with a desire to fulfill their father's dreams, even as they stumble to find their own footing in a posh school, where they have been planted to realise the road to cricket. There is an absent mother thrown in the mix as well. "We see it all around us. Parents do project their own aspirations, desires and failed ambitions on their children. That drew me to the show. Cricket is just the premise, it's quite a scathing comment on parent-child dynamics. In the show, the father even questions the coach, beats him up, as he thinks he knows best," says Tailang. The web series also features Mohammed Samad, Yash Dholye and Mahesh Manjrekar, along with Ratna Pathak Shah in key roles. A veteran of the Delhi theatre scene, Tailang was born and brought up in Rajasthan, and frequented the Delhi home of his cartoonist brother, the late Sudhir Tailang. The thought of being an actor had caught hold of him early on. "My father owned a printing press where the tickets for cinema halls would be printed. I have seen most films from the hole in the projector room, sitting on the lone stool placed there. It was very much like the film Cinema Paradiso," says the 49-year-old, adding, "I even attended the children's workshop organised by the National School of Drama (NSD)." After passing out from NSD, Tailang was seen in TV shows like Shanti, and films such as Haazar Chaurasi Ki Maa, and later in Dev and Mangal Pandey: The Rising. The mention of Shanti (1995), where he played a kitchen help, lightens up the moment. "Now, when someone mentions the show, I think of it as an ancient relic, something that has perhaps come out from excavations," says the actor. Post-2007, till about 2013, Tailang moved bag and baggage to Delhi. "I drifted away from films and started doing theatre and teaching in Delhi," he says. This year has been quite eventful for the actor, with three film releases and two big web shows coming his way. But the transition to digital was something he was quite keen on. "I have had my own channel on YouTube for the last few years, called Theatre Talkies, where I have put up short films and other things I have made. A full-fledged acceptance of the web-series format, where you have to hold the audience for 8-10 episodes each season, is supremely challenging for any actor," he says. He adds, "I understand the romanticism and appeal of films and theatre, and the romance of community-viewing. But we can't dismiss the evolution of solo viewing. And as the stories are getting more real, and the characters are based in the same reality, people will watch it. Iss cheez se pura drishyavidhan (the pattern of visual consumption) badal gaya hai, of how we consume stories." Tailang, who has taught at NSD, also talks about his student days, and how things were different when he became a teacher. "When we attended NSD, we would end up referring to five books and spend hours in the library to research on a term that a professor might have mentioned. Now, the minute I mention a term or a concept, Google offers my students the five best answers. We had some semblance of the guru-shishya tradition, ab toh students sab bol dete hain," he says. For now, Tailang is happy dividing his time between Delhi and Mumbai and is hopeful of getting more work. "I really wish to do comedy on screen. I have done a lot on stage, and I miss the instantaneous reaction. Pata nahin mujhe sirf sanjeeda kism ke role hi kyun offer hote hain," he adds. Selection Day will stream on Netflix, December 28 onwards Dailyhunthttps://www.ted.com/profiles/11620519

Hong Kong gears up for Christmas with Pulse Light Festival

The artwork are divided into three categories: technology and communication, childhood dreams and connections and romance. The lighting effects of some buildings, such as the Central Government Offices, Legislative Council Complex, One Exchange Square and Sun Hung Kai Centre, as well as the sound effects at the Hong Kong Cultural Centre, will also be strengthened. An installation for the Hong Kong Pulse Light Festival is lit up against the Central business center. Pyrotechnic will be launched from the rooftops of Harbour Centre, Harcourt House and Cheung Kong Centre on designated nights.Dailyhunthttp://rhubarbblue.com/UserProfile/tabid/61/userId/256298/Default.aspx

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Nissan's ousted chairman Carlos Ghosn re-arrested

The re-arrest means he could be detained for another 10 days in a Tokyo jail, where he has been confined since he was arrested on initial allegations of financial misconduct. There was no immediate word on Greg Kelly, who was arrested along with Ghosn and whose detention extension was rejected. Kyodo News said the new allegations were based on suspicions that Ghosn made the automaker shoulder personal investment losses of about 1.85 billion yen ($16.6 million) that he had incurred around 2008. His lawyer, Motonari Otsuru, was not available for comment. The lawyer has previously declined to return calls regarding the Ghosn case. The dramatic turn of events came hours after Ghosn, through his lawyer and quoted by Japanese public broadcaster NHK, vowed to restore his good name in court and to hold a news conference after his release. "Things as they stand are absolutely unacceptable," he was quoted as saying. "I want to have my position heard and restore my honour in court." Ghosn was initially arrested on Nov. 19 for allegedly understating his income by about half over a five-year period from 2010. He was later charged with the same alleged crime covering the past three years. Television camera crews had gathered outside the Tokyo jail on Friday morning in hopes of catching sight of Ghosn being released. The Ghosn case has put Japan's criminal justice system under international scrutiny and sparked criticism for some of its practices, including keeping suspects in detention for long periods and prohibiting defence lawyers from being present during interrogations, which can last eight hours a day. Ghosn's arrest has marked a dramatic fall for a leader once hailed for rescuing Nissan from the brink of bankruptcy. It has also shaken the Renault-Nissan-Mitsubishi alliance, with Nissan Chief Executive Hiroto Saikawa calling for changes to weaken Renault SA's control. Dailyhunthttps://justpaste.it/3tcrd

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Cash not in hand: The devastating effects of demonetization

Except that it wasn't. An air of gloom, even desperation, seemed to hang over the proceedings; applicant after applicant spoke of the dire uncertainty of their future, not just in economic terms but in ways that embraced pretty much all aspects of their lives - the impossibility of being certain if a daughter would be able to go to college, a nephew get married, a chronically ill parent receive treatment, a close relative get a loan to set up a small shop, and so on and on and on.Somewhat surprised to begin with, we were soon struck by the realization that it was less than a fortnight since the historic announcement of demonetization on November 8 2016, and just six days since the notification by the Reserve Bank of India that district central cooperative banks would no longer be allowed to accept deposits or exchange the now worthless 500- and 1,000-rupee notes. Virtually everyone we met that day had the bulk of her or his savings in cooperative societies which, in turn, did the bulk of their business with DCCBs. In the few days that DCCBs had accepted deposits and exchanged currency notes from SKUSs, transactions worth hundreds of crores had already taken place. Although people had had to stand in line for hours, most SKUSs had risen to the occasion and increased their work hours and the number of people at their counters. But now, it was all over. Not a single one of the people we met that day - the applicants for our course, family and friends who had accompanied them, members of the SKUS, other folk from the village - had any idea of how, if ever, this nightmare would end. This was the miasma of gloom and fear that hung over the meeting room that cool November afternoon 25 months ago. Things didn't really change much in the following weeks and months and a year later they were still limping along at best, as samiti members kept telling us. It was not until next year, and after much litigation, that DCCBs were finally allowed to deposit the demonetized notes in their vaults with the RBI.These memories swum to the surface as I read Meera H. Sanyal's The Big Reverse: How Demonetization Knocked India Out - an account of the devastating effects of demonetization on the times and lives of hundreds of millions of ordinary Indians. Sanyal is one of India's most successful bankers, someone who has served in top positions in some of the world's largest banks and financial institutions. She is no air-headed socialist; on the contrary, she champions markets, competition, and the need to encourage entrepreneurship, small-scale and large. Like most of us, she believes the stated aims of demonetization, as announced by the country's prime minister on the night of November 8, 2016 - eradicating black money, ending corruption and stopping terror-funding - are eminently laudable objectives that no patriotic Indian ought to argue with. To these three primary goals, she adds five others announced by the government's spokespersons in the days following demonetization: moving to a cashless society, expanding the tax base, integrating the informal sector of the economy with the formal, lowering interest rates and bringing down real estate prices. In the sixth chapter, "Demonetization Report Card", she draws on government statistics to show how not a single one of these eight objectives came even close to being achieved. In her other five chapters, not including the Introduction and Conclusion, Sanyal looks at the effects of demonetization from the angle of people, institutions, economics and history. And what she says does not make for pretty reading.I am no economist or political scientist, but in over three decades of trying to understand literary texts, and by speaking with people from a wide range of backgrounds, I have understood two things: stories matter and memory is short. For most salaried city-dwellers like me, demonetization was a shock to the system, but a shock we recovered from fairly rapidly. In the days immediately after November 8, 2016 many (most?) neighbourhood shops opened khatas for their regular customers, where purchases were noted down and payment asked for only after the total had inched close to Rs 2,000; more establishments started accepting card payments; even queueing up outside banks and ATMs turned into something resembling a street-side adda, and the frequent (and often contradictory) orders issued by the RBI provided much grist for the mills of para humorists. Yes, there was hardship, which we encountered not always first-hand but often from those who worked in our homes or ferried fresh provisions to our doorstep or ran a local chai shop; and many times we helped them out in small but not insignificant ways - by not asking for change, by taking their now-useless notes and giving them fresh legal tender in exchange, by making advances against a future month's salary, and so forth. Things were far worse in non-urban areas. There is little data on how many people lost livelihoods in villages, how many patients went untreated, how much additional interest had to be given to usurious moneylenders to pay for daily necessities, how many social gatherings and family events had to be cancelled or drastically curtailed. yet anyone who has even a nodding acquaintance with rural India will have heard many of these stories of loss and despair.On the 21st day of the second month in the third year after demonetization most of those who read this paper will have probably forgotten the hardships undergone by ordinary people, the chaos created in every sector of the economy, and the failures swept quietly under the carpet by the architects of demonetization. Through her meticulously documented, carefully crafted, deeply felt and, most of all, profoundly human book, Sanyal has given us reason to remember the many stories that went into the making of this strange and, ultimately, tragic chapter in our country's recent history. The author is professor of Comparative Literature, Jadavpur University, and has been working as a volunteer for a rural development NGO for the last 30 years Dailyhunthttp://www.itsarab.org/UserProfile/tabid/61/userId/33164/Default.aspx